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Teen
Pregnancy
Teenage Pregnancy.
Highlights:
An ERIC/CAPS Fact Sheet
by Laurie L. Lachance
Teenage parenthood
is by no means a new social phenomenon. Historically, women have tended
to begin childbearing during their teens and early twenties. During the
past two decades the U. S. teenage birthrate has actually declined
(Polit and others, 1982). In the late 1950s, 90 out of 1000 women under
20 gave birth as compared with 52 out of 1000 in 1978. Several factors
contribute to the current attention focused on teenage pregnancy and
parenthood.
There is currently a large number of young women in the 13 to 19
age range, so that while the birthrates are declining, the absolute
number of teenagers is increasing.
These statistics do not distinguish between intentional and
unintentional pregnancies, or pregnancies occurring in or out of
wedlock. From the 1978 figures, only one in six pregnancies concluded as
births following marriage, and eight in ten premarital teenage
pregnancies were unintended.
The declining birthrate is not consistent for all teenagers:
among those 14 or younger, the birthrate is increasing.
These trends are occurring at a time when contraceptives are
increasingly available to teenagers as a means of avoiding unwanted
pregnancy.
The evidence documenting the unfavorable consequences of
unintended teenage pregnancy and teenage parenthood, whether intended or
not, has continued to mount.
There is an unmistakable and dramatic trend away from teenagers
giving their children up for adoption.
Teenage Pregnancy Rate
Of the 29 million young people between the ages of 13 and 19,
approximately 12 million have had sexual intercourse. Of this group, in
1981, more than 1.1 million became pregnant; three- quarters of these
pregnancies were unintended, and 434,000 ended in abortion (What
Government Can Do, 1984). The number of pregnancies increased among
teenagers in all age groups during the 1970s, but among those who were
sexually active the pregnancy rate has been declining. Because of
increased and more consistent use of contraceptives by teenagers, the
rate of pregnancy among them has been increasing more slowly than their
rate of sexual activity. Although the number of teenagers who are
sexually active increased by two-thirds over the 1970s, over half of
U.S. teenagers are sexually inactive (Teenage Pregnancy, 1981).
Teenage Birthrate
About five percent of U. S. teenagers give birth each year. A
recent study by the Alan Guttmacher Institute showed teen birthrates
here to be twice as high as Canada, England, and Wales, three times as
high as Sweden, and seven times higher than the Netherlands.
Out of Wedlock Births
Although slowed because of the availability of legal abortion,
the rise in the out-of-wedlock birthrate has continued among almost all
groups of teenagers. The rise has been steepest among 15- to 17-year-old
whites. The number of premaritally conceived births legitimated by
marriage has been Adoption and Care by Others. Almost all unwed teenage
mothers keep their children in the household with them. Ninety-six
percent of unmarried teenage mothers—90 percent of white and virtually
all of black mothers—keep their children with them (although in many
cases, grandparents or other relatives help take care of the baby).
Repeated Unintentional Pregnancies
As might be expected, 78 percent of births to teenagers are
first births. However, 19 percent are second births, and four percent
are third or higher order births. The sooner a teenager gives birth
after initiation of intercourse, the more likely she is to have
subsequent births while still in her teens.
Teenage Contraception
Reasons for Nonuse
Nearly two-thirds of unwed teenage women report that they never
practice contraception or that they use a method inconsistently.
According to the Guttmacher Institute (Teenage Pregnancy, 1981), only
nine percent of unmarried teenagers surveyed said that they did not use a
method of contraception because they were trying to become pregnant or
were already intentionally pregnant. Forty-one percent thought they
could not become pregnant, mainly because they believed, usually
mistakenly, that it was the wrong time of the month.
Of those who had realized they could get pregnant, the major
reason given for not using a method was that they had not expected to
have intercourse. Of the 15 percent who did not practice contraception
because they were pregnant, the overwhelming majority were pregnant
unintentionally. About eight percent said that they had wanted to use a
method but "couldn't under the circumstances," or that they did not know
about contraception or where to get it.
Relationship to Pregnancy
The relationship between pregnancy and contraceptive use is
dramatic: about 62 percent of sexually active teenagers who have never
used a method have experienced a premarital pregnancy, compared to 30
percent of those who have used a method inconsistently, 14 percent of
those who have always used some method (including withdrawal), and just
seven percent of those who have always used a medically prescribed
method (the pill, IUD, or diaphragm).
The Health Belief Model
Current research has examined the Health Belief Model (Zellman,
1984), a value-expectancy approach to explaining and predicting health
behaviors that goes beyond straight information giving. This approach
can be used to intervene in contraceptive use among teenagers. Because
contraceptive action involves a preventive health decision followed by
correct and consistent use, the model may have useful applications to
both the prevention and compliance aspects of contraceptive behavior.
Sex Education
The subject of sex education remains a divisive one. On one side
are those who argue that Americans should learn to accept adolescent
sexuality and make guidance and birth control more easily available, as
it is in parts of Europe. On the other side are those who contend that
sex education is up to the parents, not the state, and that teaching
children about birth control is tantamount to condoning promiscuity, or
violating family religious beliefs and values.
Sex Education in The Schools
"Eight out of 10 Americans believe that sex education should be
taught in schools, and seven out of 10 believe that such courses should
include information about contraception" (Teenage Pregnancy, 1981, p.
38). Only a handful of states require or even encourage sex education,
and fewer still encourage teaching about birth control or abortion. Most
states leave the question of sex education up to the local school
boards. Only a minority, however, provide such instruction.
Parents and Sex Education
Parents are a child's earliest models of sexuality; they
communicate with their children about sex and sexual values nonverbally.
However, most adolescents report that they have never been given any
advice about sex by either parent, even though a majority of teenagers
prefer their parents and counselors as sources of sex information.
Studies indicate that both parents and their children believe
that they should be talking about sexuality, but that parents are
extremely uncomfortable doing so (Sexuality Education, 1984).
Organizations, including churches, schools, Planned Parenthood
affiliates, and other agencies serving young people, offer programs
designed to help parents teach their children about sexuality. Most
would agree that sex education should start early, before a child's
sexuality becomes an issue.
Family Planning Services
Most teenagers and adults approve of making contraceptives
available to teenagers, and most parents favor family planning clinics
providing birth control services to their children (Teenage Pregnancy,
1981). The clinics have had the expected result of improving the quality
and consistency of contraceptive use among teenagers. They have also
been credited with preventing an estimated 689,000 unintended births,
and probably a higher number of abortions, among teenagers.
However, most teenagers are sexually active for many months
before ever seeking birth control help from a family planning clinic or
physician (Teenage Pregnancy, 1981). Very few come to a clinic in
anticipation of initiating sexual intercourse, and many come because
they fear—often correctly—that they are pregnant. The major reason
teenagers give for the delay is concern that their parents will find out
about the visit. Nevertheless, more than half of teenage patients have
told their parents about their clinic visit, and only about one-quarter
would not come if the clinic required parental notification. But most of
these would continue to be sexually active, using less effective
methods or no contraceptives and many thousands would get pregnant as a
result.
Solving the Problem
Although we have most of the knowledge and resources needed to
solve the problem of teenage pregnancy, we have failed to do so. Despite
the growing public concern and the plethora of reports, there has been
little action. The elements of a comprehensive national program have
been put forward, with varying emphases, by a number of groups. Elements
of such programs include (Teenage Pregnancy, 1981):
Realistic sex education.
An expanded network of preventive family planning services.
Pregnancy counseling services.
Adequate prenatal, obstetric, and pediatric care for teenage
mothers and their children.
Educational employment and social services for adolescent
parents.
Coverage by national health insurance of all health services
related to teenage pregnancy and childbearing.
No one program can possibly solve the many problems that are
associated with teenage pregnancy. The solution must come from many
elements of society: parents, the churches, the schools, state and local
legislatures and government agencies. Most people agree about the
importance of reproductive health services and research for teenagers,
but there is not yet the willingness to pay the costs for such programs
in most communities of the nation.
For More Information
Chilman, C. S., and others. Adolescent Pregnancy and
Childbearing: Findings from Research. Milwaukee, WI: Wisconsin
University, School of Social Welfare, 1980. ED 211212.
Demographics of Adolescent Pregnancy in the United States. Joint
hearing before the Subcommittee on Census and Population of the
Committee on Post Office and Civil Service and Subcommittee on Health
and the Environment of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of
Representatives, Ninety-Ninth Congress, First Session. Washington, DC:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1985. ED 262 320.
Hardy, J. B. "Teenaged Pregnancy. Matrix No. 5." Paper presented
at the Research Forum on Children and Youth, Washington, DC, May 1981.
ED 213 522.
Polit, D. F., and others. Needs and Characteristics of Pregnant
And Parenting Teens. The Baseline Report for Project Redirection. New
York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., 1982. ED 251558.
Sexuality Education and Parental Involvement. Washington, DC:
Center for Population Options, 1984.
Teenage Pregnancy: the Problem That Hasn't Gone Away. New York:
The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1981.
"What Government Can Do about Teenage Pregnancy." Issues in
Brief. New York: The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1984.
Williams J. E., and others. "Appalachian Adolescent Health
Education Project (AAHEP) Evaluation: A Study of Teen Pregnancy in East
Tennessee (1982-1985)." Paper presented at the Mid-South Educational
Research Association, Biloxi, MS, November 1985. ED 263 509.
Zellman, G. L. "The Health Belief Model and Teenage
Contraceptive Behavior: From Theory to Operation." Paper presented at
the 92nd annual convention of the American Psychological Association,
Toronto, August 1984. ED 263 482.
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Children's Nutrition and Learning |
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Childrens'
Nutrition and Learning
Children's
Nutrition and Learning
National Health/Education Consortium
Clearinghouse on Elementary and
Early Childhood Education
Children
of all socioeconomic levels are at-risk for poor nutrition. Some
children do not get enough to eat each day because their families lack
money to buy sufficient food. Other children consume enough food but
have diets high in fat, sugar, and sodium that put them at risk for
obesity or heart disease and other chronic illnesses. Furthermore, as
the number of parents in the workforce increases, more children are
being left to fend for themselves for meals.
The premise that nutrition affects children's ability to learn
is not new. The link has been recognized for some time through anecdotal
evidence and, more recently, through controlled research studies. This
digest reviews research on the link between nutrition and learning from
the prenatal through school years, and considers the importance of
nutrition education for children.
Nutrition and Learning: the Prenatal Period
Inadequate weight gain during pregnancy can increase the risk of
having a low birthweight (under 5.5 pounds) baby. Low birthweight
infants are more likely than other infants to have hearing, vision, or
learning problems and to require special education services. Recent
evidence indicates that 15% of very low birthweight (less than 3.5
pounds) children and nearly 5% of low birthweight children require
special education, compared to 4.3% of children born at normal
birthweight (Newman, 1991).
The Special Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants and
Children (WIC) provides food and nutrition education to pregnant and
lactating low-income women. A 5-year national evaluation of this program
found that young children whose mothers had participated in WIC scored
significantly higher on vocabulary tests than children whose mothers did
not receive WIC benefits (Rush, 1986).
Nutrition and Learning: Preschool and School Years
Iron deficiency is one of the most prevalent nutritional
problems of children in the United States. Iron deficiency in infancy
may cause a permanent loss of IQ later in life. Iron deficiency and
anemia lead to shortened attention span, irritability, fatigue, and
difficulty with concentration. Consequently, anemic children tend to do
poorly on vocabulary, reading, and other tests (Parker, 1989).
Several studies have found effects of hunger and poor nutrition
on cognitive ability. One such study found that among fourth grade
students, those who had the least protein intake in their diets had the
lowest achievement scores (ASFSA, 1989).
A laboratory study that involved healthy, well-nourished school-
aged children found a negative effect of morning fasting on cognitive
performance. A test of the speed and accuracy of response on
problem-solving tasks given to children who did or did not eat breakfast
found that skipping breakfast had an adverse influence on their
performance on the tests (Pollitt et al., 1991).
Children who are hungry or undernourished also have more
difficulty fighting infection. Therefore, they are more likely to become
sick, miss school, and fall behind in class.
Poor Eating Habits and Poverty
Poor nutrition among children in America is on the rise. This
rise is due, in part, to poor eating habits, which include overeating
and skipping meals. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
(DHHS) found that from 1984 to 1991 there was a 42% increase in the
number of children between 3 and 17 years of age who were overweight
(U.S. DHHS, 1992-93). The National Adolescent Student Health Survey
found that, among eighth- and tenth-graders surveyed, 40% reported
eating breakfast fewer than three times per week. The same study
revealed unsafe methods of weight control by adolescents. Among students
who dieted for weight control, about half said they hardly eat or fast,
16% reported using diet pills, 12% claimed they vomit after meals, and
8% reported using laxatives (ASHA et al., 1989).
The rise in poor nutrition among American children is also due
to increased poverty. A survey by the U.S. Conference of Mayors found
that requests for emergency food assistance from families with children
increased by 14% from 1991 to 1992 (Waxman, 1992). The Community
Childhood Hunger Identification Project (CCHIP) estimates that 12% of
U.S. families with children under age 12 experience hunger, based on
parents' responses to survey questions. This survey found correlations
between rates of poverty and rates of reported hunger. The CCHIP survey
also found that children in families who reported hunger were more
likely to suffer from infections, have trouble concentrating, and miss
school than nonhungry children (Wehler et al., 1991).
Strong evidence exists that nutrition-related disorders are
greater among low-income households than among the rest of the
population. Growth retardation, which may reflect dietary inadequacy,
occurs in preschool children from low-income families at up to three
times the rate as in their nonpoor peers. Iron deficiency anemia is
twice as common in poor children between ages 1 and 2 than it is in the
general population (Parker, 1989).
Messages to Children about Nutrition
With the increase in the number of working parents and the
ubiquity of fast-food establishments, children are eating more meals
away from home than ever before. One study found that children in urban
areas obtain more than half their calories outside the home (Citizen's
..., 1990). Fast foods, although convenient, tend to be high in fat and
increase children's risk of becoming obese and of developing various
chronic diseases in adulthood.
Children receive messages about food and nutrition from
television and food packaging. The Center for Science in the Public
Interest, a nonprofit nutrition advocacy organization, determined that
nine of ten food commercials on Saturday morning television advertised
foods high in sugar, salt, or fat. Children also learn about nutrition
from what they observe around them at school and at home. One study
found that preschoolers were better able to describe the food their
parents ate than parents were able to describe what their preschoolers
ate (Hellmich, 1992).
Nutrition Education
One of the U.S. DHHS's health promotion objectives is to
increase the number of schools that provide nutrition education from
preschool through twelfth grade. Nutrition education in school is most
effective when delivered in the context of a comprehensive health
education program and when school meal programs serve as "laboratories"
where students can practice what they learn in class. The "offer versus
serve" practice, adopted by some high schools and elementary schools,
permits students to select three of five foods presented at lunch.
Giving children such choices allows them to apply their understanding of
nutrition.
What Schools, Nutritionists, and Parents Can Do
In order to foster children's knowledge of nutrition, the
National Health/Education Consortium recommends that schools and school
personnel:
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offer
nutrition education as part of a comprehensive health education
program;
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coordinate
nutrition education in the classroom and meals served in the
cafeteria;
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provide
materials for parents about nutrition and about talking to their
children about nutrition; and
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offer only
nutritious foods at school, and use the "offer versus serve" practice.
To help
schools' efforts, dietitians and nutritionists can speak to students
about good nutrition, stressing the impact of nutrition on physical and
cognitive development. They can also discuss with school administrators
ways of building nutrition education into school curricula. To reinforce
the efforts of schools and nutritionists, parents can:
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set a good
example by eating healthfully;
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let their
children help to prepare meals and experiment with different foods;
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regularly
expose their children to new foods; and
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encourage
school officials to implement new child nutrition programs, or improve
existing programs.
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This digest was adapted from: Troccoli, Karen B. (1993). Eat
to Learn, Learn to Eat: the Link Between Nutrition and Learning in
Children. Washington, DC: National Health/Education Consortium. ED 363
400.
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For More Information
American School Food Service Association (ASFSA). (1989).
Impact of Hunger and Malnutrition on Student Achievement. School Food
Service Research Review 13(1, Spring): 17-21.
American School Health Association (ASHA), Association for
the Advancement of Health Education, and Society for Public Health
Education, Inc. (1989). The National Adolescent Student Health Survey: a
Report on the Health of America's Youth. Kent, OH: ASHA. ED 316 535.
Citizen's Commission on School Nutrition. (1990). White
Paper on School-lunch Nutrition. Washington, DC: Center for Science in
the Public Interest. ED 328 538.
Hellmich, N. (1992). Eat Well and So Will Your Children. USA
Today (Oct 20).
Newman, L. (1991). Preventing Risks of Learning Impairment: a
Report for the Education Commission of the States. Denver, CO:
Education Commission of the States.
Parker, L. (1989). The Relationship Between Nutrition and
Learning: a School Employee's Guide to Information and Action.
Washington, DC: National Education Association. ED 309 207.
Pollitt, E., R. Leibel, and D. Greenfield. (1991). Brief
Fasting, Stress, and Cognition in Children. American Journal of Clinical
Nutrition 34(Aug): 1526-1533.
Rush, D. (1986). The National Wic Evaluation: an Evaluation
of the Special Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants and
Children. Volume 1: Summary. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of
Agriculture.
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (1992-93).
Prevention Report. Washington, DC: Author.
Waxman, L.D. (1992). A Status Report on Hunger and
Homelessness in America's Cities. Washington, DC: U.S. Conference of
Mayors.
Wehler, C.A., R.A. Scott, and J.J. Anderson. (1991). A
Survey of Childhood Hunger in the United States. Washington, DC: Food
Research and Action Center. ED 354 986.
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Early Years are Learning Years |
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Early
years are learning years
Brain development research
What it means for young children and families
by National Association for the Education of Young Children
New insights into brain development affirm what many parents and
caregivers have known for years, 1)good prenatal care, 2)warm and
loving attachments between young children and adults, and 3)positive
stimulation from the time of birth, really do make a difference in
children's development for a lifetime.
In June 1996, Families and Work Institute held a conference at
the University of Chicago entitled "Brain Development in Young Children:
New Frontiers for Research, Policy and Practice." Convening
professionals from the neurosciences, medicine, education, human
services, the media, business, and public policy, the conference focused
on what we know about the developing brain and how that knowledge can
and should inform efforts to improve results for children and their
families. The following is taken from Rethinking the Brain: New Insights
into Early Development by Families and Work Institiute.
What have we learned?
Human development hinges on the interplay between nature and
nurture.
The impact of environmental factors on the young child's brain
development is dramatic and specific, not merely influencing the general
direction of development, but actually affecting how the intricate
circuitry of the human brain is "wired."
How humans develop and learn depends critically and continually
on the interplay between an individual's genetic endowment and the
nutrition, surroundings, care, stimulation, and teaching that are
provided or withheld.
Early care has decisive and long-lasting effects on how people
develop and learn, how they cope with stress, and how they regulate
their own emotions.
Warm and responsive early care helps babies thrive and plays a
vital role in healthy development. A child's capacity to control her own
emotional state appears to hinge on biological systems shaped by her
early experiences and attachments. A strong, secure attachment to a
nurturing adult can have a protective biological function, helping a
growing child withstand the ordinary stress of daily life.
The human brain has a remarkable capacity to change, but timing
is crucial.
The brain itself can be altered—or helped to compensate for
problems—with appropriately timed, intensive intervention. In the first
decade of life, the brain's ability to change and compensate is
especially remarkable.
There are optimal periods of opportunity—"prime times" during
which the brain is particularly efficient at specific types of learning.
The brain's plasticity also means that there are times when
negative experiences or the absence of appropriate stimulation are more
likely to have serious and sustained effects.
Early exposure to nicotine, alcohol, and drugs may have even
more harmful and long lasting effects on young children than was
previously suspected.
These risk factors frequently are associated with or exacerbated
by poverty. For children growing up in poverty, economic deprivation
affects their nutrition, access to medical care, the safety and
predictability of their physical environment, the level of family
stress, and the quality and continuity of their day-to-day care.
Evidence amassed by neuroscientists and child development
experts over the last decade point to the wisdom and efficacy of
prevention and early intervention.
Well designed programs created to promote healthy cognitive,
emotional, and social development can improve the prospects—and the
quality of life—of many children.
The efficacy of early intervention has been demonstrated and
replicated in diverse communities across the nation.
Where do we go from here?
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First do no harm
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The principle that guides medical practice should also apply to
policies and practices that affect children.
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Allow parents to fulfill their all-important role in providing
and arranging for sensitive, predictable care for their children.
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Parents need more information about how the kind of care they
provide affects their children's capacities.
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Implement policies that support parents in forming strong,
secure attachments with their infants in the early months, and make a
concentrated effort to improve the quality of early care and education.
Prevention is best, but when a child needs help, intervene
quickly and intensively.
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Warm, responsive care cushions children from the occasional
bumps and bruises that are inevitable in everyday life.
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If children are given timely, intensive help, many can overcome a
wide range of developmental problems.
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To have greatest impact, interventions must be timely and must
be followed up with appropriate, sustained services and support.
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Promote the healthy development and learning of every child of
every age, every demographic description, and every risk category.
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If we miss opportunities to promote healthy development and
learning, later remediation may be more difficult and expensive, and may
be less effective.
Implications for policy and practice
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Improve health and protection by providing health care coverage
for new and expectant parents and their young children.
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Preventive health screenings, well-baby care, timely
immunizations and attention to children's emotional and
physical development is cost-effective and provides a solid
foundation for good health and development.
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Promote responsible parenthood by expanding proven approaches.
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All parents can benefit from solid information and support as
they raise their children.
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Parent education/family support programs that promote the
healthy development of children and improve the well-being of parents
are cost effective.
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Safeguard children in early care and education from harm and
promote their learning and development.
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The nation's youngest children are the most likely to be in
unsafe, substandard child care.
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More than one-third are in situations that can be detrimental to
their development, while most of the rest are in settings where minimal
learning is taking place.
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Enable communities to have the flexibility and the resources
they need to mobilize on behalf of young children and their families.
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Support efforts to create the kind of community you and your
children want to be a part of, develop goals and strategies for
achieving this vision, determine how to finance your efforts, and make
provisions for measuring your results.
Research taken from Rethinking the Brain—New Insights into Early
Development and Conference Report—Brain Development in Young Children:
New Frontiers for Research, Policy and Practice, organized by the
Families and Work Institute, June 1996.
For more information, contact:
Families and Work Institute
330 Seventh Ave.
New York, NY 10001
Phone: 212-465-2044
begin_of_the_skype_highlighting 212-465-2044 end_of_the_skype_highlighting
From the National Association for the
Education of Young Children
Copyright © 1997 by National Association for the Education of
Young Children. Reproduction of this material is freely granted,
provided credit is given to the National Association for the Education
of Young Children.
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How to calculate your due date
How
to calculate your
estimated due date of delivery
The
method most frequently used
is the one that assumes the conception occuring 14 days after
the start of the last
menstrual period.
The approximate date may be obtained by taking
the date when your last
period began, adding 7 days, then counting back 3 months and add
a whole year.
For example, if the first day of your last period was September
9, 1999; add 7 days and
you get September 16,1999; then count back 3 months and you have
June 16: the estimated
due date is June 16, 2000
Even
though this is a good
method to obtain your due date, REMEMBER
that these
are just ESTIMATED dates. In some cases your doctor can
apply more reliable methods, such as:
knowing the exact date of ovulation, measuring the size of the
uterus by a clinical
exam, ultrasound (during the first half of pregnancy,
ultrasound can estimate the
age of fetus within 7 days).
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Kid's
Fears
Kid's
fears
Fears appears, usually, after
the first year of life.
Being afraid to the unknown is universal.
"Separation anxiety" appears at 8
months if parents
haven't trained the child that they desappear. Some training
examples are: leave the room
and return again, play hide and seek, and allow the child to be
in contact with other
people.
Toddlers between 1 and 1 1/2 years
old are afraid of the new
situations. objects or toys too big or that make strange noises,
unknown people that want
to touch them, and even playful cubs that can make them fall.
Help the kids to get use to
animals -without pressure- until they get enough confidence, but
always be around to avoid
the animal to push and make the kids fall down.
Kids are afraid of doctors because
of shots. It is a good
idea to hold the child when he is going to be vaccinated and do
this at the end of the
doctor's visit. If you want, you can give the kid a candy
immediately after.
Being afraid of the dark is
frequent. To avoid it, reassure
the kid everytime is taken to bed, say nice words to confort
him, and leave a small light
besides the bed. When children are teething, they can awake in
the middle of the night
because of the pain and, if the place is dark, they can
associate pain and darkness.
When parents are scared, they can
transmit this to their kids
wiyhout even noticing. Remember that kids learn by imitation and
repetition.
While the child is growing it has
to confront new challenges
that will produce anxiety and fear. He/she needs to learn to
tolerate his/her parents
absence when:
- Mom gets out and leaves him..
- When he/she should sleep alone.
- When the children should stay
with other people that are not
their parents.
- When he/she should go to a day
care.
Children need to control anger,
jealousy. They need to
control sphincters, they realize that other kids may have more
abilities than they have...
They know parents are expecting a lot from them... All of these
things generate fears.
It is a lot what a kid learns in
one year. We should
understand if they feel afraid or anger. These are ways to
manifest his/her tension
produced for intense learning.
Extract
from: "enseña y
aprende" ("Teach and learn")
Author: Beatriz Manrique.
Reproduced with author permission
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Breastfeeding
This
is the first of a series
of articles that we will publish related with breastfeeding
How to
breastfeed
- Wash your hands with soap
and water.
- Wash your nipple with boiled
water.
- Hold your baby and sit
comfortable.
- Hold your breast with your
index and medium fingers.
- Introduce your nipple and
areola (dark part of the greast)
inside the baby's mouth.
- Let the baby feed during 10
minutes on the first breast, in
the second one he/she can stay up to 20 minutes if the
baby wants.
- Begin with he breast in
which he finished the last time.
- Put your small finger inside
the baby's mouth in order to take
out your breast easily.
- Let the baby burp, giving
him/her soft strokes on the back.
- When you put the baby sleep,
lay him/her down on one side.
Avoid letting the baby face up or face down.
- If you still have a lot of
milk in your breasts use a pump.
- Wash your nipples again with
boiled water. Leave them to dry
with the air.
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Advantages of
breastfeeding for your
baby.
- It has all the nutrients
your baby needs up to 6 months of
age.
- It protects from infections.
- It makes your baby less
prone to vomiting.
- Less gases and colics.
- You baby's kidneys work with
less effort.
- Develop face, tongue and
throat muscles.
- Fortify the affective
communication between mommy and baby.
- It is the perfect moment to
stimuli his/her five senses and
the communication.
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Advantages of
breastfeeding for mommy
- Avoids bleedings.
- Every time you breastfeed
your baby, your uterus contracts and
returns faster to its original size.
- Reduce the risk of breast
cancer..
- You lose weight faster.
- Milk is always available in
any time, any place and at the
perfect temperature
- Feeding your baby you feed
not only his/her body but his/her
necessities of love and stimulation.
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It is very important that you
breastfeed you baby.
Let the baby have it any time
he/she wants. With time your
child will learn to eat every 3 or 4 hours during days and will
stop during night.
Extracted
from:
"Stimulation. health and nutrition of the baby"
("estimulación, salud y nutrición del niño
desde recién
nacido")
Author: Beatriz Manrique.
Reproduced with authorization
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